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Luke Gridley's 
Diary •* ^ 

of 1757 



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Luke Gridlevs Diary. 



Gr rid ley j Luke. 

Luke Gridley's 
Diary •* s> 

of 1757 



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EDITED FOR THE ACORN CLUB 




CID 13 CCCC VI 



LIBRARY of CONGRESS 
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OCT 21 1907 

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CLASS A AXc fee 

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^Tenth Publication 



ONE HUNDRED AND TWO COPIES PRINTED 



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CoFYRIGHT BY THE AcoRN CLUB 

1007 



Hartford Prett 
The Case, Lockwood & Brainard Company 



ACORN CLUB 



*r* 



Donald Grant Mitchell, Honorary, New Haven 

Williston Walker, Honorary, . New Haven 

William Newnham Chattin Carlton, Hartford 

John Murphy, . . . New Haven 

Albert Carlos Bates, . . Hartford 

Charles Lewis Nichols Camp, . New Haven 

Charles Thomas Wells, . . Hartford 

George Seymour Godard, . Hartford 

Frederic Clarence Bissell, . . Willimantic 

Joline Butler Smith, . . New Haven 

William Fowler Hopson, . New Haven 

Frank Addison Corbin, . . New Haven 

Henry Russell Hovey, . . Hartford 

Frank Butler Gay, . . Hartford 

Walter Havens Clark, . . Hartford 

William John James, . . Middletown 

Lucius Albert Barbour, . . Hartford 

Martin Leonard Roberts, . . New Haven 

Charles Yale Beach, . . Bridgeport 

Addison Van Name, . . New Haven 

Henry Roberts, . . . Hartford 

Henry Ferguson, . . . Hartford 

Morgan Bulkeley Brainard, . Hartford 

Deceased 
Charles Jeremy Hoadly 
Mahlon Newcomb Clark 



PREFACE. 

THE year 1757 was the nadir of the English 
cause during the Seven Years' War in 
America. Not only had it thus far dis- 
tinctly the worse, — having lost the control 
of the West at Fort Duquesne in 1755, and that 
of Lake Ontario at Oswego in 1756, and gained 
only a desert frontier on the east by depopulating 
one of its own provinces, — but the disasters had 
seemingly taught the government nothing. They 
had not even loosed the hold of political " pulls " 
and jobbery which was the curse of all the adminis- 
trative services. For two years a set of very unfit 
commanders, appointed by court or family influence, 
with the King's son Cumberland as military dic- 
tator, played ducks and drakes with the English 
chances of gaining the chief heritage of the West- 
ern Hemisphere; and they would have lost it al- 
together but for the provincials whom they despised, 
belittled, and defamed — largely for their own re- 
pute and promotions, and to the fatal misleading of 



[8] 

English judgment as to an easy suppression of 
provincial revolt a few years later. Braddock, the 
first, appointee of Cumberland and head of the house- 
hold brigade, was by far the ablest and most cour- 
ageous ; but the remnant of his slaughtered regulars 
was saved by Washington's Virginians. A provin- 
cial governor, the energetic and sensible if tactless 
and over-confident Shirley, then held the field for a 
while, and the solitary success of nearly three years 
was achieved by Lyman's New-Engtanders ; it won 
a baronetcy and ^5000 not for the victor, how- 
ever, but for the late Admiral Warren's nephew, 
William Johnson, who despite the value of his In- 
dian diplomacy, had shown neither military conduct 
nor courage. His jealousy of Shirley's interference 
began a feud which was taken up by his kinsmen, 
the powerful De Lanceys; and Shirley was deposed 
through their influence with Cumberland, probably 
plus the interprovincial grudge between New York 
and New England which wrought so much evil in 
the Revolution. An English colonel, Daniel Webb, 
for no historically assignable reason, was then sent 
over as a place-warmer for two Scotchmen : James 
Abercrombie, another court favorite, who in turn 
was to be locum tenens for John Campbell, Earl of 
Loudoun, though all three were to remain as gen- 
erals. Loudoun had also the influential earldom of 



[ 9 ] 

Stair behind him, and had managed to lose nearly- 
all his command at Preston in 1745. Scotch noble- 
men were pertinacious place-jobbers and patronage- 
hunters, but the just repute of Scotchmen as fighters 
seems moreover to have bred an idea that all were 
competent commanders. The curious feature in this 
case was that the chiefs did not even exhibit the 
personal warlikeness which distinguished so many 
of their underlings. Loudoun had the hot temper 
and rough manners of the conventional Scot, and 
was valorous toward civilian magistrates; but he 
displayed no undignified haste to engage in actual 
conflict, and was easily persuaded of its infeasibility. 
Abercrombie, after his repulse at Ticonderoga in 
1758, was stricken with a more cowardly panic 
than Braddock's mangled troops, as having infinitely 
less cause; and with a superior army fled from be- 
fore a fort which Montcalm said could have been 
taken with two cannon. They were no worse than 
Webb, however, who was in a qualm of apprehen- 
sion during his whole stay at Fort Edward; never 
risked his skin, and never moved without a huge 
escort; and after Fort William Henry and its garri- 
son had been captured through his own fears and 
incapacity, thought of flying to Albany and leaving 
the upper settlements to the torch and scalping- 
knife. 



[ io] 

These appointments again illustrate the con- 
tempt of the home government for provincial af- 
fairs, as needing little ability to manage, which 
alone would justify the Revolution. Respectable 
subordinates, or likely to be such, not one of these 
persons would have been dreamed of for a com- 
mander-in-chief of the smallest independent army in 
Europe; but almost any officer of regimental rank 
was good enough to plan and direct campaigns in 
America, with a few thousand regulars and a " mob " 
of provincials. Yet they would probably all have 
done decently well in Europe, for which they were 
trained; where nearly all battles were fought on 
open ground, with well-drilled and disciplined troops 
for at least a backbone, all marches were over mul- 
tiplex roads thoroughly mapped out and running 
through settled agricultural districts, supply depart- 
ments were fairly provided and officered, and prac- 
tically all contingencies could be forecast if the 
general had a brain and experience. But in Amer- 
ica, where none of these things were true, they were 
helplessly unable to construct a new system of 
ideas, and except Braddock they seem to have 
been physically daunted. The mere fact that pretty 
much all battles were fought in the zvoods, as were 
most of the Revolutionary battles, shattered all their 
notions of tactics. If you could not keep your 






[ ■' ] 

troops together, how could there be any fighting 
except a barbarian scramble without guidance, and 
how could they form and maintain columns when 
crawling through underbrush or making way around 
giant pines'? And the vast silent woods aswarm 
with skulking savages, or suddenly breaking into 
blood-curdling yells and screeches, evidently ap- 
palled their nerves, as they did those of the Amer- 
icans themselves wherever familiarity had not bred 
coolness or even over-contempt. They blenched as 
even Arnold could not prevent his troops from 
blenching when Burgoyne was marching from 
Skenesborough to Fort Edward, and not a hand 
was lifted against him in those trackless forests; as 
the forces of Willett and Gansevoort in Fort Stan- 
wix were well-nigh frightened into surrender in a 
well-stocked fort, by half their number of Indians 
and a handful of white men. 

Against this shifting series of second-rate military 
pedants was matched a Frenchman of first-rate abil- 
ity and adaptability, Montcalm, succeeding another 
of the same stripe, Dieskau; aided by subordinates 
to whom the forest life and the Indians were native 
or entirely familiar. The American sections they 
led were as ill-matched in the same direction. The 
English provinces disliked each other only less than 
the French, and dreaded each other more. Each 



[ 12] 

was afraid of doing too much, for fear of the rest 
taking the advantage to do too little; and those 
under royal governors were glad of every occasion 
of public danger and demand to tie their rulers' 
hands, not only for the present, but as a precedent 
for the future. None had or would permit any 
standing military force; each raised what it wanted 
for the year, disbanded it at the close, and could 
not get a new one into the field till toward summer 
of the next. Men, supplies, everything, were insuf- 
ficient, slow, and disunited. Canada was at least a 
single province, with only one governor and one gen- 
eral to fight and paralyze each other — which truly 
was enough. That in spite of all this the French 
made but little real progress during their time of 
superiority, and sank into irretrievable ruin as soon 
as the English put stronger men in power, is the best 
evidence of the incurable weakness of their colonial 
system. It was in fact not a colonizing system at 
all, except in old Canada. Outside of that it lacked 
the one thing needful — people; and, as even there 
save for a slender body, was merely a set of forts 
with practically no settlers behind them. The com- 
mand of a district hundreds of miles in extent 
rested on some one fort, or a few stockades; and as 
soon as they were reduced, the whole fabric went 
with them and went forever. The English control 



[ '3] 

was in solid ranks of farms and villages, which 
could not have been expropriated wholesale even 
if conquered, and which could lose a hundred 
frontier skirmishes and regain everything by a single 
victory. 

The operations of 1757, in which our diarist 
was a humble unit, need not be set forth in detail. 
Broadly, all forward movements and all plans for 
such had been suspended by the displacement of 
Shirley, and nothing could go on until Loudoun 
had decided what he wished to undertake. His 
plan was the old one of cutting off all French re- 
inforcements by capturing Louisbourg and com- 
manding the mouth of the St. Lawrence, as a pre- 
liminary to striking down what was left; but he 
showed his bad judgment by so stripping the centre 
for this purpose as to expose that to imminent de- 
struction before the starving system could work. 
This venturesomeness in plan could only have been 
redeemed by equal venturesomeness and energy in 
execution; but he showed neither. His supplies 
were dilatory, but so were everybody's always; and 
he did not reflect, like Pepperrell and his men and 
a thousand other minor leaders of his time, that the 
enemy's were sure to be so likewise. He would do 
nothing until he had a force to assure victory; before 
he received it, the French had become the stronger 



[ '4 ] 

at Louisbourg; and when his admiral would still 
attack, he would bear no part in it. 

Meantime Montcalm had gathered some six 
thousand regulars and Canadians and a couple of 
thousand Indians at Ticonderoga, to invest Fort 
William Henry and Monro's twelve hundred at the 
head of Lake George, the less important of the two 
keys of communication from Canada to Albany. 
Webb the while was cowering at the ultimate 
key-post, Fort Edward, fifteen miles off: binding 
Putnam with an oath not to reveal the presence of 
the enemy when first discovered ; waiting for pro- 
vincial reinforcements which could not possibly ar- 
rive in time ; sending enough to Monro to be a 
heavy loss, but not enough to make successful re- 
sistance even probable; not daring to join him with 
full force lest the French should turn his rear and 
assail Albany, and not reflecting that if the upper 
fort was untenable, it was obvious common-sense to 
withdraw the garrison to Fort Edward, and leave 
the French an empty fort instead of lining it with 
good troops; refusing to let his provincials and in- 
coming militia march to Monro's relief when they 
begged it, countermanding the permission to a small 
body when given; acting, in a word, like a thor- 
oughly frightened man in presence of new condi- 
tions he could not handle — which was the truth. 



[ 15] 

Monro surrendered on promise of security; but 
Montcalm's Indians had engaged with him on prom- 
ise of plunder and would not have their prey escape, 
the fear of losing some part of their services as scouts 
was more insistent than humanity with some officers, 
and the prisoners themselves paid ransom in brandy 
which maddened the savage blood still more. The 
Indians butchered the sick and wounded at once, the 
Canadian officers very willing because it relieved them 
of a burden on their march ; dug up and scalped the 
corpses from the small-pox hospital, and were later 
decimated by the consequent epidemic ; dragged 
bodies of prisoners out of the marching column and 
slaughtered them, keeping some for eating at Mont- 
real; and before they were stopped by Montcalm 
and some others, had probably killed five hundred 
sick and well. The massacre, its numbers greatly 
exaggerated, is still one of the best remembered in- 
cidents in American history. 

Webb's expresses and appeals had already called 
out great bodies of provincial militia, which came 
pouring in just before and just after the disaster. 
Connecticut alone had sent some 5000, or about 
one-seventh of its entire fighting population on this 
single call, besides the considerable body of its reg- 
ulars already in the field, though its own borders 
were in no danger. As Montcalm's forces did not 



[ '6] 

advance, but withdrew to Canada a week later, these 
were soon recalled ; but meantime they were en- 
during great hardships from lack of food, tents, 
blankets, and cooking utensils, and many refused to 
remain without object, the New-Yorkers threaten- 
ing to shoot their officers if they interfered. At last 
all was settled; a small force was enrolled for win- 
ter guard and scouting : and both sides prepared for 
the next year's struggle, when Pitt had come into 
power and begun to send over very different officers. 
Connecticut's part in this war was one which 
may well be a source of pride to every citizen. 
She levied first and last over 27,000 troops, of 
whom some 14,000 were separate individuals, and 
9,000 were regularly in the pay of the colony for 
full fighting years' services in the field, outside the 
militia call — even that showing her willingness to 
respond to the common danger and send her sons 
to the field. Now her population in the year 1756 
was found to be 130,611. The highest proportion 
of males between fifteen and fifty-live known in 
any European country has been 280 per 1000; the 
lowest a little under 240. Even the latter, taken 
from old settled peoples, is probably greater than 
that in a half-settled colony where families were 
very large and the number of small children very 
great ; but in any event the number of such male 



[ i7] 

adults in Connecticut was not much above 36,000, 
and may have been below 31,000. Taking the 
supposition most unfavorable for our purpose, the 
colony furnished, for a war which did not directly 
endanger herself, and simply from common loyalty, 
nearly two-fifths of all her fighting citizens; on the 
more probable supposition, nearly one-half. Even 
apart from the militia sent to relieve Fort William 
Henry, it contributed certainly one-fourth, and proba- 
bly nearer one-third, of its entire adult citizenship 
for steady service in breaking the French power. 
In 1757 the General Assembly passed an act to 
raise 1,400 men, in one regiment of fourteen com- 
panies, to act in conjunction with Loudoun's reg- 
ulars. At its head was placed Phineas Lyman of 
Suffield, the eminent soldier who had won the bat- 
tle of Lake George eighteen months before, had 
won Johnson a title and wealth, and would have 
seized Ticonderoga for him if allowed ; had noted 
with unerring eye the best spot above Albany to 
command the road from Canada, and fortified it. 
Johnson, with an equally unerring eye for his own 
interests, suppressed Lyman's name in his dispatches 
and removed it from the fort. It was then the cus- 
tom, following the English fashion, for the colonel 
himself (English lieutenant-colonel, their colonels 
being titular figure-heads) to be captain of the first 



[ i8] 

or "colonel's company," and Lyman so acted. The 
other two regimental officers were respectively cap- 
tains of the next two companies: Lieutenant-Colonel 
Nathan Whiting of New Haven, second company, 
and Major Nathan Payson of Hartford, third com- 
pany. Of the others in order, the captains were 
Israel Putnam of Pomfret, Samuel Hubbell of Fair- 
field, David Waterbury of Stamford, Adonijah Fitch 
of New London, John Slapp of Mansfield, John 
Jeffries of Cornwall, Eliphalet Whittlesey of New- 
ington, Edmund Welles of Hebron, Ben Adam 
Gallup of Groton, Ephraim Preston of Wallingford, 
and Andrew Ward of Guilford. 

The present diarist, Luke Gridley, was a private 
in "Captain Major" Payson's company. He was 
from Farmington, of a numerous stock which also 
included a missionary, and members of which were 
on the committee to raise subscriptions for Boston 
after its closure by the Port Bill. It was allied to 
the Boston family which produced General Richard 
Gridley, the great military engineer who laid out 
the works which reduced Louisbourg in 1745, and 
the defensive works at Bunker Hill and Lake 
George. He was in no battles; but had he been, per- 
haps we should have had no diary. At all events, 
he marched with his company to Fort Edward, and 
was in camp there through the season till the troops 



[ 19] 

were discharged. He gives us a set of notes upon 
the camp life and the outside events that came to 
his ears, which afford some new information, correct 
some old, and add to the vividness of our picture 
of the situation from the soldiers' point of view. 
As examples, we note the ever-present whip as 
the tool of all work for instruction and emendation. 
From the horrible punishment of a thousand lashes 
for desertion to the enemy, or five hundred for de- 
serting from the forces of one colony into those of 
another (a most significant entry as a side-light on 
provincial separatism), or five hundred and being 
drummed out of camp with a rope around the neck 
for unspecified iniquities, we have all the way from 
three hundred down for arrears of a season's derelic- 
tion, for sleeping on guard (an unforgivable offense 
which wins the dreadful punishment of running the 
gauntlet also), for drunkenness (where, curiously, a 
" Yorker " gets three hundred to a regular's one), 
for selling rum without a license or to the In- 
dians, for insubordination, for playing cards (doubt- 
less swindling at them, as the camp was anything but 
puritanical), for wearing a dirty shirt on guard 
(quite properly, remembering what cleanliness means 
in a camp), for counterfeiting and passing the 
money, and so on; and we rejoice, with a wistful 
desire that our ancestors' customs were not dead, 



[ *>] 

when a dirty practical joker receives fifty well-earned 
lashes. Riding the wooden horse with heavy weights 
on the feet is also not disused. We note the con- 
stant labor of the officers to prevent or check vices, 
or inattention to the discipline needed for safety, 
for life or health : driving the worst camp-trulls out 
of the lines, regulating or stopping the sale of liquor, 
stopping the waste of stores, preventing the jaunts 
beyond the lines which were always liable to make 
one less soldier and one more scalp, punishing the 
shirks by making them stand guard at night, enforc- 
ing cleanliness, sobriety, obedience, and marksman- 
ship, and respect for private property. We note 
that a few true-blooded New-Englanders hold Sab- 
bath services even without a minister, in a camp 
where all sorts of " gaming, cursing, and swearing " 
are going on around them ; and that the Connecticut 
men observe "election day" even in camp, "toping 
off with Bisket." We note the never-ending scourge 
of small-pox which made dreadful havoc with the 
soldiers throughout the war, had already driven 
some bodies into disbanding outright, and filled the 
hospital which the deaths from it were constantly 
emptying. Rather curiously, we find pneumonia 
(" the Long feaver ") one of the worst foes in mid- 
summer. We note that the allowance of rum is 
missed only less sorely than that of food : in those 



[21 ] 

times it was thought impossible to keep a force in 
health and vigor except by regular if small rations 
of spirits. We observe that an Indian massacre of 
a scouting force is prevented by the vigilance of 
three or four, " the rest of the gard being asleep," — 
a monotonously regular tale in colonial affairs. We 
are reminded that the English side too had Indians 
serving it, the Iroquois being kept on its side 
through Johnson's influence ; but the " Mohocks " 
only bring in prisoners, not scalps, and seemingly 
behave with decency. We see also that the de- 
scendants of the Mohegans and even the Pequots 
are ready to take a share in the excitement of war; 
indeed, the roll of Fitch's company shows a quite 
extraordinary percentage of evident Mohegans with 
craggy or grotesque names. The negro is also well 
in evidence; an Afro-American could make a stir- 
ring picture of his race in the early wars. Other 
topics will suggest themselves, opened by the diary. 
The language of an untutored colonial is always 
of interest from its hints of contemporary phonetics, 
or its survivals of old names or shades of meaning 
or usage. The present diary is not without these. 
" Resigned " for surrendered, " while " for until, " pep- 
pered " for seasoned in general, instance the last- 
named sort; "sass" for green vegetables has no 
mystery for New England readers ; " skeel " for 



[ »] 

cleaning off the scale or rust is an interesting dia 
lectic survival which has missed the great general 
dictionaries wholly. In pronunciations, it is interest 
ing to observe that our Connecticut hero's name 
was apparently pronounced Lmmon, at least by 
some; " Moriall" for Montreal was certainly com- 
mon; "Camplain" may be a mere slip, or indicate 
the same attempt at pronouncing from a written 
word which produced "Glockster" on some tongues; 
" sursposed " and " Gaplop's " (Gallop's) are exam- 
ples of a phonetic law more remarkably exempli- 
fied in the astounding name of " Scockerromah," 
applied to Lake George, and but for the inserted 
" c " a quite careful catching of the French pronun- 
ciation of " Sacrement " ; "a Lewed " and " a Lew- 
ance " for allowed and allowance, and Teuchit for 
(probably) Toushet, illustrate the then frequent sur- 
vival of the pronunciation of ow as " oo," still usual 
in " wound," and once universal. " Willaim " and 
" Jeames " accurately preserve the accepted pronun- 
ciations of our fathers later even than this. " Poy- 
woy " for powwow and " boyl " for ball illustrate, 
like other colonial writings, the curious use of "y" 
to indicate the sound of " w," as " droy " and "soy " 
for draw and saw. " Er " as " ar," in " reharsth " 
and so on, is a matter of course. F. M. 



DIARY. 

March 29 th Ad 1757 

Luke Gridly His Book 

Aprel 8 th this Day was musterd and took our 
oaths 

Mondy the 18 th Day: this Day Reseved wages: 
Bounty furst month wages & Biliting: 3=18=9=0' 
genneral Limmons Com[ ] 2 marcht ye 18 th April 

the 22 of Aprel we 3 marcth. 

mondy 25 th we marcht Licthfeel 

26th to fegguts 4 In Kornwill 36 mi 5 the next 
day wich was y e 27 th we marcht to Landdard Robins 

The bounty this year was 42 shillings, the soldier to find 
clothes, powder-horn, and bullet-pouch ; the wages for a private, 
j£\ 12s. per month of 28 days; the allowance for billeting, 45. 
per week. This would make ^4 ioj. for the first month; but 
the clothes were probably furnished by the colony and deducted. 

2 Lyman's personal company, the first. 

3 Payson's company, the third. This first stage was from 
Farmington to Harwinton, through that part of Bristol afterward 
set off as Burlington. 

♦ The Widow Sedgwick's. 

5 From Farmington, not Litchfield. — The road from Litch- 
field to Cornwall was through Goshen. 



[ 24] 

in Carman to Dine 8 miles: from thence to Lan- 
dard Reeds In Solsbeary 6 miles 

28 th we marcht 4 mils ' & 6 thrugh the nine 
Pardenners 2 and then 6 which was to Levenstones 
manners fourness 3 nb : we passed By whare 3 : 
men died : fmall pox a fortinnight Before haveing 
the wind of y e house 

29 Day we marcht 20 miles & came to Clou- 
verreck 4 : all In helth. 

30 th Day I went 3 miles & came to Rever 5 : 
Seeing my frinds well I pa[st] 5 miles up the 
River for Shad 

May I th wich was the Lords Day this Day we 
had a meating without any minister 

the 2 th Day our officssers Devided us Into fore 
parts In order to vittel them more Regiller 6 

1 To the Connecticut line at the Oblong, on the west of 
Salisbury. 

1 The Little Nine Partners, granted by New York in 1706, 
was the manorial estate next south of Livingstone's Manor : it 
was through this that the troops passed. The Great Nine Part- 
ners, south of this, had been granted in 1697. 

3 Furnace (Ancram). The ore beds were part of the great 
Middle Berkshire deposit still heavily worked in Salisbury. 

♦ Claverack, three miles southeast of Hudson, N. Y. 

s The Hudson. 

6 "The Men Complain y e Most of Hunger yt Ever I Hered 
in my Life," says another diarist. 



The 3 th wich was tusday we had orders form 
gennerl Limmon to be Caled to geather at 7 oclock 
half In the morning : & 7 at night and not to Be 
absent haveing our hats Cocked up ours guns Bright 
& our gloths cleen : and a gard to Be keept : this 
fet ium of us to washing Quick : 

The 4th Day we trained Reseveing itricker 
orders 

The 5 D they trained But I was garding & fich- 
ing we Being ftraitened : for Proviccon : <& hungery : 
Johnnathan Beamman Eate 3 Raw nch : guts & all 
for 4 quarts of wine ■ 

The 6 D we trained haveing Rewls fo ftrick : 
that them Did not fute the ofescers was Train By 
themfeuelfs * 

Sattarday the 7 Day we 3 was all a Lowed to 
train afore foks But John forgoson & Shewble 
Reed : Gennerrall Limon Reseved orders from Lord 



1 Such bestial wagers were not uncommon in this gross hard- 
living age. A generation or two later even than this, two men 
ate each a raw skunk on a bet as to which should keep his meat 
down the longest : a noted Windham tavern-keeper named Stan- 
iford was the winner. 

2 This war was the first occasion when the colonial troops 
became a direct part of the British armies, and came under their 
system of discipline ; and in the last two years, officers like Lyman 
had become conversant with the official rules of drill and tried 
to enforce them, while the self-trained mass resented them. 

3 I. e., Payson's company. 



[26] 

Lcudon to gard the ftors and get things to Cook 
in : 

The 9 th ' Day was the Sabbath : we d a meating 
without a minister 2 : one man out of Eevery Com- 
benny was lent up to Greean Bush 3 for pots and 
kittles : Cololol l : Pheinaas Limon : C 2 Whitelsy : 
C3P: Gallap: C4P: Putmans: 5 Captain Magor 
Pasons: 6 CP Slaps: 7 CP fitch 8 CP Gafas 9 CP 
Wells « 

Mondy the 9 th D I was on Gard we went to 
visiting & Captain hugabone 5 : our Landdard traind 
& haveing 4 men to press he gatherd 154 Dollers 
for them to List. 6 

the 10 th Day I went on to the River to fiching 
[canceled : I fee a fturgen 6 foot Long] & thare was 

'A slip for "8th." 

2 This was special to a few high-grade New-Englanders. A 
New York officer said that Sunday had been packed away with 
the stores in Albany, and would not come up till the work was 
done. 

3 This individual historic name is now obliterated in "Rens- 
selaer," city, which rolls several different things into one, and 
the railroad and postal station of "East Albany," which rep- 
resents nothing. 

« The numbering of these is not the official one, as will be 
noted from our list. 

s Hogeboom, of Johnson's New York forces. 

6 That is, the men subscribed to pay bounty and hire the re- 
cruits instead of impressing them. 



r 27 j 

one of Cap Gaplops negros whiped for threting of 
killing a man. 

Wensday the 11 th Day we marcht 10 miles & 
Came to Landard vanalls 1 to Dine from thens 6 
which was to Canterhook * : we Logd By ye meating : 
house 

The 12 th Day was Electfhon Day 3 we marcht 24 
miles and Came to Greenbuch : we Loged Cap 
Dows Barn : 

the 13 th D toping up Electfhon with Bisket we 
marcht io miles & Came to Landard Skilars 4 : Jest 
a Bove y e flats 5 

the 14 th D we had our Amannachtion & then 
we marcht 20 miles & Came to Scatte Cook 6 

the 15 th D Gennaral Limon haveing his Chosie 
to Stay thaire : or Come back he Broute us Back to 
the River side 2 or 3 miles that Bostton folgers 
might go thare: 

1 Elsewhere Fanall and Fondall. 

2 Kinderhook. 

3 The formal celebration in Connecticut. 
* Schuyler's. 

s Troy ; but the distances in this and the next march are not 
intelligible even by circuitous roads. They should be about six 
and twelve miles instead of ten and twenty. 

6 Schaghticoke, east of the Hudson, a few miles southeast of 
Stillwater. 



[28] 

the 16 th D I went to hunting Dear a monday 
Being on Gard some of y e time & one of Limons 
men killed one & CP Whitelses another teuchit ■ 
killed one Before our offiscers had orders from Limon 
that no man went to hunting or passd over the 
River : or fpoyled any Boards 2 with out his Leave 
Allso that we f hould Be Examind how maney Car- 
thirigs we had & have an a Count took of how 
maney we had fpent: & for the future Every man 
that fhot a gun Gun with out his Leave was to Be 
Brough Before a cort marfhal & Be dealt with as an 
abuser of the Kings ftors & find for Every Car- 
terrig 3 Pence starting haveing But ten and one flint 
Deliverd him 

The 1 7 th D we traind I Beaing on gard : 

Enfine Ezekill Lewis was put under gard for 
not obeaying orders : 

the 18 D John ashley 3 was whiped for not 
obaying orders one of Limons men 

the 19 Day a thursday we had an a Larram 7 Ingins 
Runing after a boye, hwo was hunting pigons to 
scalp him fiuerd at him & fhot thrugh his fhirt 
5 Boullet holes fume grasing his flefh Bing the west 

1 Evidently an Indian, and apparently the same as Tousey 
(Toushet ?) or John Hatchet, found on the rolls. 
3 Or houses, barns, or fences. 
3 An incorrigible elderly "tough subject." 



fide of the Rever 100 Rods from us fume Duch 
York Cap Penders 1 his Comepantions fwonge thare 
hats a frited at Lenthe one went to his Releaf : 
thare was fcouts fent out as Ouick as Chould Be : & 
2 men out of Each Compeney to Allbaney for more 
folgers: & Captain Putmans Rangers 2 : & 20 of us 
was fent over the River to gard 3 these Cowards 
teufet 4 was put under gard for not obaying orders 
& a whiping post fet up : we was all Brought Round 
In a Bodey : his fentance was to Be whipet 20 Lachis 
upon his Begeing faver & promising Reformation 
his honnor s with good Advice : & ftrick Directions 
to us all Repreaved him 

the 20 th Day the folgers traind & the offiscers 
Played boyl 6 Cornal Limon gave us orders to march 
to the forts as foon a we Could Conveineantly his 
honners Compeney passd over the River In order 
thare for 

the 21 Day we was to prepare and be In a 
Readyness to go over the River: to march: The 
Boston folgers Come hear 



1 Carpenters. 

2 These were a company raised by voluntary enlistment from 
among the Connecticut troops, for scouting purposes, and subor- 
dinate to Major Robert Rogers. 

3 Guard against, he means — sc. the Indians, the "cowards." 
< The same as " Teuchit " before mentioned. 

5 Lyman. & Ball. 



[30] 

Sabath Day 22 th aboute 9 o Clock In the morn- 
ing 7 compeneys marcht from hear & travild to 
the S[t]ill wartres * fort 6 mils: thare we Refresht 
our felfs: & marcht 7 mils and Picht our tenths 
which Came By water 

Day 23 which was monday we marcht 10 mils 
& Picht our tents at Suratoke 2 : thare we went 
Into the River & Chast 3 aboute 3000 Alewifes for 
our Super 

Day 24 th Tusday Leftanant wells Came heare 
& half our compeny traind and the Rest Chacths 3 
and Salted : 3 Barrills of Alewifes I went to kill a 
Dear & Shot wid with my gun wet his honnor 
giveing no Leave to Skeel 4 It out 

Day 25th thare was one Dannail Boake 5 : one of 
Cap Gailaps men : Run the gandtelit thrugh 30 
men for fleeping upon gard which Cryed Lord god 
have mercy on me the B[l]ood flying every ftroke 
this was a forrowfull fight: A[l]so one man was 
fintanced to Ride the wooden ho[r]se for not turning 

1 Stillwater on the Hudson, twenty-three miles above Albany 
and opposite the mouth of the Hoosick. 

2 Saratoga. 

3 " Ketcht," not chased. 

4 "Scale," or clean off rust, etc. ; an old dialectic word which 
has escaped all popular dictionaries. 

s Bogue ; a chronic offender, earning and receiving savage pun- 
ishments. 



[31 ] 

out fo loon as the Rest to train with 4 muskits tieed 
to his feet : But was Repreved 

Day 26 Aboute 9 o Clock In the morning we 
marcht and traveld 7 miles from hear which was half 
a mile above fort miserry ' and Refresht our felfs : 
then we marcht 7 miles & In Camped Jest Below 
fort Edward 2 

Day 27 th we Passed over the River and Piched 
our tents at the norwest Corner of fort Edward 

Day 28 th fume to work highways : fume on gard 
fume garding te[a]ms to timber 

Day 29 th Sabath fume fcouting others garding 
& Regellateing there tents : the roil amarricans 3 the 
Blues 4 marcht to fort willaim henerry 5 

1 A camp nickname of Fort Miller at the rapids of the upper 
Hudson, on the west side ; its name is still borne by a village there. 

2 On the west side of the Hudson near its great bend, opposite 
the "Great Carry" (/. e., to Wood Creek, running into Lake Cham- 
plain). Originally Fort Lyman, built by Lyman in 1755, before 
the battle of Lake George ; renamed by Johnson to curry favor 
with George II., after his grandson the Duke of York, brother of 
the later George III. 

3 A regiment of four battalions raised in America for this 
war, principally among the Pennsylvania Germans, but with Euro- 
pean officers. The famous Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Bouquet 
commanded one battalion. 

< The New Jersey regiment raised for this war and commanded 
by Colonel Parker. 

5 Built by Johnson this year, and named for the Duke of 
Gloucester, another brother of George III. It was at the head 
or southern end of Lake George, close to the water and to the 
present wharf and railroad station at Caldwell or Lake George. 



[3» ] 

Day 30 th we By ye Post haveing heared that 
thare was : an army of fri[n]ch hard By william 
henerry thare was 70 men lent out to Rang ' : fume 
one way & fume a nother : thare was 2 men Con- 
vayed to the horspetall : the Dockters Judgeing them 
to have the lmall pox 

Day 31 th I was garding fume york Carpenders ■ 
Captain Putmans Rangers fet out for thare fcoute. 

June the 1 th Ad 1757 wensday was freed from 
Duety for a Coock : a party of men 3 was fent up 
to the Lake to gard teams. 

Day 2th we Being a going to worck In the high- 
way had half a gill of Rum a Lewed us a day have- 
ing the promis of a hwol gill: we marcht one mile 
& tay rayed that Night 

Day 3 th we fume of us worked hard : But them 
which was Laszy ware calld to gard us when It 
was night 

1 These were Putnam's men, enlisted the day before ; but they 
did not perhaps start for a day or two. 

* Directing a working party in building a fence around the 
camp garden. 

3 This consisted of thirty men each from Putnam's and another 
company of Rangers, with their captains and two officers and forty 
privates of the Connecticut troops. There is a confusion of a day 
or two about their starting, which is curiously reflected not only in 
another diarist of the camp, but even in the General Orders; un- 
less the seventy and the one hundred were different parties — but 
Putnam could hardly have headed both. 



[33] 

Day 4 th we hassend our Bisnes: finishing Before 
night: we Returned to the fort: we heard that fore 
men Being on gard Scattecook fhot: killed l frinch 
Indian & wounded a nother : 4 or 5 Run away : the 
rest of the gard Being afleep : ■ 

Day 5 th which was the Sabath: our Regellars 
had a Scurmige of fireing plattoons : thare was two 
of mager rogers 2 men Came hear which got Clear 
of thare Captivity at Canady & fayed thare would 
no frinch army Come hear this year they ware so 
ftratend for provison 3 Magor pasons arived hear. 

Day 6 th Captain putman's Rangers with fume of 
our men to afsist his fcouting fets of for the nar- 
rows 4 one of Captain Galops Indeains was whiped 
for ftealing a gun 60 Laches : we fhot at marks s 

1 The usual condition except among the Rangers, and the 
source of many dreadful disasters. 

2 Rogers, a noted woodsman and border smuggler, was first 
commissioned by Johnson in the fall of 1755 to command such a 
company for winter scouting, and again by Shirley the next spring 
for permanent work ; and gradually became the head of a num- 
ber of semi-independent companies. He evidently had a good eye 
for ability, as he selected Putnam and Stark for assistants at the 
outset. Stark as a fellow New Hampshire woodsman he may have 
known, but Putnam had been only a plain Connecticut farmer. 

3 See the desertions to the English from hunger later on. 

* There were several familiar places in this region thus called. 
The one here meant was doubtless that of Wood Creek, near its 
mouth at Lake Champlain ; a favorite place of ambush to command 
the boat navigation of that useful stream. 

s As part of the ordered practice, not at will. 



[34] 

Day 7 th tusday to giting pine this day one Reg- 
eler Died with the Camp Deftemper thare was 6 men 
of the fcouts Came Back with a Drunken Indain hwo 
they Confind : 

Day 8 th fum of our picked gard fee whare 12 
Indians had Lain a Boute a mile from fort Edward : 
we heard fume Ranngers from new york : fhot 3 
frinchmen : of the Senterry About 2 miles Below ye 
narrows ' : allfo they killed 3 more : and 4 of thare 
one 2 wounded : 

Day 9 th one man was whiped 40 Laches for 
1 iting Downe on gard : we had a fhower of Rain 
which made us uneasze : 

Day 10 th we had an a Larram 15 men Being fent 
out a Boute half a mile East of fort Edward to gard 
aboute as many Cappenders : was ferrounded with 
100 frinch & Ind had a fhot fore of them Dead [in] 
fwamp : one Buckely & Martin hooker was two of 
them 3 : 5 more was mising iursposed to be taken 
Captive : they took a horse : gennarl Limon : with 
20 men by them felves went & fhot upon them & 
firitend them fo that he got 2 Pikes 2 Dear fkins: 
fevearl fcalping knives & Packs Allfo thare muster 

1 See note previous page. 2 Own. 

3 These were of Whittlesey's company ; the other two were 
Rice Edwards and William Mortawamock (probably a Mohegan) 
of Slapp's company. The latter had his heart torn out. 



[35] 

Role which gave an a Count of thare Being 100 
of them & 200 More a Coming & whare they was 
to fcoute : which was Reharsth r Both to the Lake & 
Surratoge with fpead. 2 

Day 1 1 th fume of the peked gard fee 9 Inde- 
ains : and thare was a fcoute fent After them : but 
Cuould not find them: 

Day 12 th which was the Sabaths: we fume of us 
A Lewed to feace from our Labour: mary Rogers 
was Drumed out of the Camp 3 : & Gorge webster 
was put under gard for following her Drum magoir. 

Day 13 2 Packs & Read a man fhot was fur- 
sposed to Be taken was found Dead & Scalpt nearer 
then whare ye other was kild 

Day 14 Gennarl Limon with 300 men went out 
fcout 4 

Day 15 Boston forses: 1800 of them Came hear 5 

Day 16 th thare was one andris whiped 50 Lashes 
for f leeping on gard : Captain Putnan with his men 

1 Rehearsed. 

2 This skirmish is not reported by any one else. 

3 Shortly after this there was a general medical examination 
of the camp women, who seem to have been of some number. 

* " Painted like a Mohog, as many other officers of the scout 
were," says another diarist. The scouts sometimes scalped the 
dead like Indians also. 

5 Under Colonel James Frye. The famous Rufus Putnam was 
one of them. 



[3&] 

Brought Into fort Edward a frinch man which told 
us : fore men & 5 fcalps * was Carryed to riconderoge 
the 12 of June: that they Lost 7 of thare men the 
10 of June wen these was Killd & taken : Allfo that 
thare was two Battalyens of Regelar troops at Ticon- 
deroge 2 & a Large army at Crowne Pinte 

Day 17 th one of the man that was taken with 
the fmall pox may 30 th Died with It: he took At 
Allbanney thinking he had it when he was yonge 3 

Day 18 th we finishing our work at the tar kill 
made an oven : 

Day the 19 th which was the Sabath gennarl Limon 
with his fcout Came In with 1 gun 2 hats & 3 
packs which he took from the Enemy: the Indeians 
killed one Regellar & wounded another a mile Below 
fort Edward : Boston forses had a farmmon preched 
By thare minester with few hearers In the forenoon : 
In the afternoon they fhot at marks: the Regellars 
f hot thare great guns At marks & made mery : &c 

Day 20 th thare was one Clark Robberd Knils 4 : 



1 As only four men were killed, the Indians probably practiced 
a mild grade of the multiplication noted later. One of the men 
was David Campbell of Killingly. 

a Montcalm's grand rendezvous there for the movement against 
Fort William Henry was effected in July. 
3 /. e., exposed himself recklessly. 
* Robert Niles, " dark " in Gallup's company. 



[37 J 

which came home from fcouting without his honnors 
Leave: Redueced to the Ranks: & whiped 100 

200 hampf hire folgers 3 Comp ■ 

Day 21 th we had an a Count took of our names: 
haight & Age werather we had Been In the fervice 
before or no &c &c &c & whare we Blonged &c &c 
&c there was 2 Indeains whipd one a 100 Laches for 
giting Drunk fcouting : the other 50 for felling Bark 
when he was bid to get It for a gard house 

Day 22 lh one Bosston man Died with Camp Des- 
temper. I hear of one that Died Before orders to 
get things clean for genral webs : arivel & no man 
to go out of gun ihot of the fort 4 Regelars whipted 
40 mohoacks' Brought In a frinch man which they 
took near Crown pint : they had a poywoy 3 of Re- 
joyceing over him &c he faid thare was 200 of his 
Compantions Beetween the forts 4 & as many more 
Between fort Edward & Surratoage 

Day 23 th Thursday we Comeing jest of from 
Dewty 100 of our men was Calld away to mend 
highways Between the forts a Regler was whipd 100 

'From "No. 4" (Charlestown, N. H.), under Lieutenant- 
Colonel John Goffe ; part of 500 raised this spring by New Hamp- 
shire, under Colonel Nathaniel Meserve, and divided by Loudoun. 

2 Johnson's influence kept the Iroquois on the English side in 
this war. 

3 Powwow. See preface. 

4 Edward and William Henry. 



[38] 

Lashes for hollowing & fearing the Ennemy when 
Gennerel Limon had them partly ambusht 

Day 24 th three men whipt 
Coming In from our work Gennarl web arived hear 
more Rodlland men Came hear 

Day 25 th one Regellar Died with the fmall pox. 

Day 26 which was the Sabath It Being Ranine 
uncomfortable weather 80 men of us went to gard 
ftreams ■ to the Lake & took up our Logeing In the 
woods In mefutes 2 Rigment : one Boston man whipt 
^o 1 for pissing In a kittle of Peas. 

Day 27 th one of our men takeen with fmall pox 
an Exfpress Came from Lake Gorge giveing an a 
Counte that a fcout had Been to Crown pint & take- 
ing a vew of things Counld fee But few of the Enemy 
thare : Leftanant John Coun 3 & Cap Baker was taken 
By Indeins from Crown pint near fcattecook : 

Day 28 th Came 13 frinchmen & Rezined them 
felves up : faying they had [nothing] to eat for 7 or 
8 Days : Allfo that thare a Lewance had Been one 
Pound Pork 1 1 Days. Six men taken fmall pox : 
we picth our tents the out Side of the pickets fo that 
500 Green Regelars & 500 Roil amerrycans 4 the 
Blews might go with In them 

1 A slip for " teams." 2 Massachusetts. 

3 Cone, of Welles' company. 

* Both arrived this day. The "Green Regulars" were John- 
son's New-Yorkers. 



[39] 

Day 29 th we moved our tents haveing the Pleash- 
ewer of airing them & our felves : a fcouting Party of 
200 men let out to go to the East Beay : * 

Day 30 th one Regelar died: 

July the 1 th day was friday Captain putmans 
came home & told us he furround 300 frinch & In- 
deians 3 mile above y e fouth beay 2 & fired at them 
1 1 oclock 3 & fit till 4 In the morning & one of 
his men was killed By our men 4 : genral Limon with 
300 men: went out fcouting one compeney Ran- 
gers 5 lent home one man killd 6 & 2 taken 7 30 

1 Of Lake Champlain : the easternmost of the two prongs into 
which the long narrow southern portion divides in its extreme south- 
ern part, and into which Wood Creek empties, with Whitehall now 
at its mouth. 

a The western of the two prongs ; he means three miles above 
its head or southern end. The ambush was in fact on East Bay, 
at a ledge half a mile above the head. The hostile party were 
some five hundred, mainly Indians, under the celebrated French 
Canadian partisan Marin ; and were dreadfully cut up by Put- 
nam's band. They murdered one of Putnam's wounded, and 
carried off two others. 

3 P. M. 

* Elijah Sweetland of Hebron, of Welles' company. Another 
party of scouts mistook Putnam's men for foes and fired into 
them; and Putnam told them they ought to be hanged for not 
killing more with so fair a shot. 

s Putnam's. 

6 Henry Shuntup of Welles' company ; probably a Mohegan. 
His heart was cut out and a block of wood put in its place ; this 

eems to have been reserved for Indian enemies. 

7 Jabez Jones of Fitch's company, John Kennedy of Slapp's. 



[4°] 

mohoaks came In with 2 fcalps from near Crown 
Pinte 

Day 2 th fix man taken with fmall pox : 2 men 
whipt for Being Drunk 

Day 3 th which was fabath It Raind But no fcaesa- 
tion of work But a day to Pay them for thare 
Labour : 4 frinch men Came hear from Crown Pint 
& Rezined them felves up ■ 

Day 4 th galard list Ranger 2 2 men Died with 
Camp Deftemper 3 1 Limons man the oth other of 
Bosfton forses : the number of men that have y e fmall 
pox 4 In y e horspetell about 50 Rod from the fort 
Is 101 : 

Day 5 th 18 men Listed to fired great guns a 
Raine day peperd with frech meat for Eating. 5 

Day 6 th out of Boston forsis one Smith Died 
with the Camp Deftemper the Camp Driners 6 from 



1 From hunger : this occurred repeatedly. 

2 /. e., Charles Gaylord of Payson's company enlisted in the 
Rangers. 

3 This seems not to mean any one disease, but pneumonia 
("Long feaver"), dysentery, and other non-contagious ailments. 

4 This epidemic heavily crippled the efficient force of the 
troops for two or three years, and drove some bodies of them home. 

5 Probably from Albany : this grateful event was an important 
item to all. " We took our allowance partly in fresh provision," 
says another. 

6 Very plain, but of course meaning "Drivers." 



[41 ] 

Allbany Arived hear with thares new Recruts one 
ofesor taken with the fmall pox 

Day 7 tn Johnathan Tilor John Willfbn : Charis 
Galard Left our tent for Rangers ' thare Compenney 
was Sursposed to Be verry good But thare Room 
much Better 

Day 8 th one man wipt 100 Lashes 

Day 9 th one man whipt 

Day io th which was the fabath 18 ot Cap Rogers 
men killed & taken near Crown pint 2 one frinch 
prisner 3 

Day 11 th one of genral Limons men Died with 
the Camp Destemper Being Able to woak a Bout 
yersterday Johnnathen Rementon of SufFeld Limons 
Compenney : 

Day 12 th Dainal Boke & John Ashley 4 whipt 
again 



1 Tyler, Wilson, and Gaylord were all ot Payson's company. 
Six companies of Rangers had been organized on the 5th: headed 
by Captains Putnam and Safford of Connecticut, West and Learned 
of Massachusetts, Wall of Rhode Island, and McGinniss of New- 
York. 

2 This affair cannot be further identified. Rogers makes no 
allusion to it. 

s Brought in by the Indians of Stockbridge, Mass., where 
Jonathan Edwards then was. 

* Bogue had been in the guard-house for three days, and now 
received fifty lashes, after his frightful experience seven weeks 
before. " Old Ashley " received fifteen. 



I 42] 

Day 13 th : 6 great guns was fired of 6 times 
a peace 

Day 14 th thursday one man Died with the Camp 
Disstemper 

Day 15 th one man Died the Bloody flux: another 
y e i mall pox : 4 men whiped one of them 200 Lashes 
In the morning & 200 at night thare was one man 
of the Bosfton forses Runing with one of his mates ' 
fell Down Dead Emeadeately 

Day 16 th our tent mates had thair tents took 
from us & we put Into other tents 

Day 17 th which was the fabath one Drumer 
whipt for playing Cards' 200 of the Rangers let 
out for a 12 Days fcout In order to go to the vance 
gard which the frinch fet out Below the narrows 3 

Day 18 th a number Bosston men went to mend- 
ing high ways Down to ftill waters 

[*? Day 19 th ] one man & one woman Died 

Day 20 th Levi Strong & John Rogers Conveyd 
to the hors : petell Tick 

Day 21 th one man 4 fhot to Death for Defarting 
to the frinch a fcoute of 40 men Came In & gave : 



1 Playing ball. 

2 Probably for card-sharping, as there was great license in 
gaming. 

3 Of Wood Creek as before. 
< A Dutchman named Peck. 



[43] 

an a Counte that fume Indeins fired upon them & 
killed Leftennant Donet l & others 2 the main of them 
Left thare packs and Run home from f[o]uth Bay 
oxford 3 was whipt Ninety Lashes for felling Rume 4 
& telling fortins to the Regelers Ceucip s Indean Died 
with pox 

Day 22 th Josepth Spencer & 6 more of our Corn- 
penny fet out for the ftill waters 6 one John Tom- 
mus a Rodllander aboute 9 oClock In the morning 
for Passing f ilver mony 7 wich he made himfelf was 
whipt 300 Lashes. 

Day 23 th Aboute 9 oClock In the morning a 
Considerrable number of frinch & Indeains furronded 
our Capenders with thare Covering party & they 
had a hot In gagement : for half an ouer aboute half 



1 Of Massachusetts; probably Domett or Donnell. The Mas- 
sachusetts rolls of this war are not published. 

3 Another account says the lieutenant only was killed, and the 
rest all ran away as here told. 

3 A negro from East Haddam, in Welles' company. 

* Sergeant Joseph Comstock and Drummer John Chappell of 
Fitch's company were punished with him for the same offense, the 
former being reduced to the ranks. 

s Probably Cujep or Chuchip, a Pequot from Groton. There 
were several generations of this name. 

6 Part of a large detachment to relieve the forces there and at 
Saratoga. 

7 Spanish dollars. 



[44] 

a mile East of the fort 1 1 men was killed ' which was 
Brough In & Buryed 6 men was fum of them Badly 
wound : & Seaverral more missing 2 Picpen 3 one of 
these wounded men of putmans Died at fun let : the 
Regelers from Surratoage Came hear 10 men Carryed 
to the horspetill with ye fmall pox 

Day 24 th which was y e Sabbath one more of 
these wound men 4 Died : one Captain hardin Died 
with y e fmall pox. 

Day 25 th Genaral web was aided up to Lake 
Gorge with 1000 s men to wate upon his honnor 
Levi Strong one of our Compeney wich Belonged to 
Boston Died with ye Long 6 fever : one man haveing 
the fmall pox was Carryed to the horspetill : Aboute 
100 Regellars a Rived hear from ftill warters Jeams 
Tuler 7 of Simsbeary Corl Limons Compeny Died 

* And another mortally wounded. The Indians divided the 
eleven scalps they carried so as to claim pay for thirty-two ! The as- 
sailing party was 150 Indians and a few Canadians. 

3 Only one was carried prisoner by the Indians ; the others 
scattered in the woods. 

3 Probably Pitkin ; the roll of these wounded men is lost. 

* Amos Bibben of Slapp's company. 

s Other accounts say the escort was Putnam and 200 Rangers. 
The diarist may have exaggerated, as he elsewhere does with the 
Royal Americans ; but Webb's conduct makes us suspect that he 
took as large an escort as possible. 

6 Lung : pneumonia. 

7 Tuller. 



[45] 

with the Long feaver: Likewise one more of our 
foreces 

Day 26 th one man was killed By another mans 
gun which went of when : he was a fcouring of It ' one 
man taken with y e fmall pox we hear that a fcoute- 
ing party of 350 men 2 went out from Lake Gorge 
to y e weast Bay 3 & was fur Round with a number 
of frinch & Indeins which killed and took 250 of 
them 100 Eiceaped them 

Day 27 th Johnnathen Roberds coparl & Jonnathan 
Word & Hezekiah Deman 4 was taken to y e hors- 
petill : fick : one man Died thare with the Long 
feaver: one 100 & od of Cunnectecut & Bosston 
men Set out to Releave fum Regelars at half moon 5 
3 of [his] our Compeney went thare 



1 In another tent. 

2 As another diarist of the regiment says the same, Parkman's 
300 is probably wrong. They were chiefly Jerseymen sent from 
Fort William Henry by Parker, and were ambushed at the Lake 
George narrows by a superior body of Indians under the French 
Canadian Corbifere. The Indians shot some, speared others in the 
water, and ate three on tne spot ; but carried most of them cap- 
tive. 

3 Of Lake George, west of the peninsula in the southern half; 
also called Northwest Bay. But in fact they were some miles 
further north, near Sabbath Day Point. 

* Deming. These were all from Payson's company. 

s The peninsula at the junction of the Hudson and Mohawk, 
afterwards Schuyler's camp in the Revolution. 



[ 46 ] 

Day 28 th one man Died & one taken with the 
fmall pox : & 5 Regelars whiped 1 

Day 29 th all the Capenders & Battwo a men In y e 
camp fet out to work at Lake Gorge : gennaral web 
Returnd Back to fort Edward : 3 one Regelerr Died : 
one man taken with the fmall pox one Hezekiah 
Deman died fudenly with y e Camp Disftemper : 

Day 30 th one man Died with y e Long feaver 

Day 31 th which was y e Sabath : one man Died 
Dockter Lord 4 got in Readeness to go houm 

Awgust y e i th Ad 1757 one man Died & one 
taken with y e fmall pox 

Day 2 Dockter Lord went houme for more 
things the Boston foresses and 500 Roil amearicans 5 
marcht up to fort willaim henorry 

Day 3 th the greate guns Begun to fire at 4 a Clock 
In the morning at Lake gorge and keep going at 
times and turns: thare was fpies fent up thare 

Day 4 th these fpies 6 Brough In a frinch man 

1 One a second time, for losing his blanket and contumaciously 
asserting that he had received none. 

2 Bateau. 

3 Under the same escort. 

4 Elisha Lord of Farmington. 

s Only 100 in fact, with Captain Crookshank's independent 
company and 823 of Frye's Massachusetts regiment, all under 
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Young of the 60th. 

6 James Collier, of Gallup's company. He deserted ten days 
later. 



[47] 

hwo they took near Lake gorge : which was killing 
an ox hwo faid that y e army which ware fegeing 
Lake gorge was 1 1 ooo ' they had 32 Cannon & 
12 morter peases 

Day 5 th we heared fort william haner was fur- 
round with frinch & Indeains 2 Cap putmans Ran- 
gers went up & Got Into y e fort 

Day 6 th 2 men got away from thare which gave 
us an a Counte that y e frinch was Digeing trinches 
for thare fafte 3 : But had not fired any cannon at y e 
fort: 3 men Died with fickness 

Day 7 th which was y e fabath gennarl gonson 3 
ariveed hear with ] 500 men : an Express came from 
y e Lake which faid they were In good fperits thare 
haveing Lost But 5 men allfso that they [keap] 
could keap them of with thare Bums fevearl Days 4 : 
that they would not have gennarl web fend them any 
healp while 5 he Could Cume with a party ftrong 



1 He said there were 6000 regulars and 5000 Canadians. 
There were in fact about 8000 in all, of whom some 2000 were 
Indians. 

a Safety. 

3 Now Sir William. Other accounts say he arrived the day 
before. 

•♦Monro is reported by Jabez Fitch, Jr., one of the " Bosston 
forces " here, as saying that he was "as well pleased as if he was in 
his own country among y e pertaters " ; but that was because he 
expected speedy relief from Webb. 

5 Until. 



f 48 ] 

a nought to Drive of fo great an army of frinch ' 

Day 8 th mon the great guns keep fireing very 
fast at fort william henerry one Johnnathen worden 
of Simsbery one of our Compeney Died with y e 
Bloody flux 

Day 9 th fort willaim henerry was Refined upon 
these Condishons our men what was Left of them 
was to sease Lif [t]ing up arms against y e frinch for 
18 months they 2 Brock their artecles & took away 
thare 3 Packs & Colors & a great many of thare 
guns & the Indeans killed more of our men when ye 
frinch was garding them Dwown to fort Edward then 
in y e fight 4 

Day 10 th our fick fet out for allboney ye Re- 
mainder of y e Command of fort willaim henerry 
Come Down Being Striped of thare Coleres wounded 
& Lame 

Day 1 1 th one nethanel Rogers of our Compenny 
Dyed with y e Bloodey flux more of these priseners 

* This was probably camp gossip, as Monro's existent letters 
to Webb contain nothing of the kind ; but it would have been 
good sense, as any less reinforcement simply swelled the number 
to be sacrificed. Webb had already done exactly that, his ** relief" 
forming part of those surrendered and partly massacred. 

2 The French. 

3 The prisoners'. 

•* A very mild statement. 



[49] 

Came fcatcring In * : fume Connecttecut men from y e 
uper towns Came hear 

Day 12 th one Clark Steal Died with fmall pox 
haford a troops came hear 

Day 13 th one man Died 

Day 14 th which was y e Sabath two frinchmen 
Came In hear & one frinch ofesser with y e flags 
truce y e time of y e Sun Cleps 3 

Day 15 th one John fouster was whipt 150 Lashes 
our men Brought one Cannan from y e Lake & 400 
men came from Lake Camplain which the french 
[held ?] for thare fafty : while * they Could Cary 
away y e fpoil which they took thare 



1 A signal gun was fired once in two hours to guide those es- 
caped from the massacre wandering in the woods. 

2 Hartford. 

3 That is, late in the afternoon ; " This night about gun firing," 
says Fitch. This eclipse was an annular one of great interest, but 
the afternoon was " So clouded that we Could Scaircely Perseve 
It." Nathaniel Ames' Almanack (Boston) for 1757 has the fol- 
lowing prediction: " Of the Sun, Auguft 14th, vifible, and the 
most remarkable Eclipfe feen by us this Age ; and the Curious 
are defired to be careful in the Obfervation of it; the Semidiam- 
eter of the Moon being lefs than that of the Sun, it cannot be total 
but will be Annular, i. e., it will appear like a Gold-Ring." It was 
to begin 4. 50 p.m.; begin to be annular 5.55. 15 ; cease to be annular 
5.58; cease altogether 7.02. Sunset was 6.55, seven minutes 
earlier. 

* Until : the diarist's regular use. 



Day 16 th y e maleshe killed two Bars 

Day 17 th the meleshe ' let out tor home 150 of 
our forses went Downe to iurratoge a 

Day 18 th one Drumer whipt 

Day 19 th a number of y e Rangers Came over 
y e River to help Ease our Duety 

Day 20 th 4 men whipt 

Day 21 th which was the iabath a number of men 
went to Surratoge one Leftennant Cone 3 which was 
taken By Indeains the East fide of the River at 
Scattecook the 27 th Day of Last June and a nother 
man : makeing thare Efcape from moriall 4 In Canna- 
day: Came In hear and Said that a most all Can- 
naday that ware able to go to war came Down at 
the takeing of fort william henery 

Day 22 th two Regelars Died our a Lewance of 
Rume falling from one gill to a Quarter of the fame 
feased 

Day 23 th I heared that Dockter Lord was fick 
with the fmall pox at Allbany 



1 Connecticut militia; by orders. 

2 Of the number of militia that poured in just in time not to 
save Fort William Henry, many returned at once on hearing the 
news; some remained a short time in great hardship, without tents, 
blankets, or cooking utensils, then went home despite their officers, 
whom the " Yorkers " threatened to shoot if restrained. 

3 John Cone of Welles' company. 
« Montreal. 



[ 5< ] 

Day 24 th fore men Came from Cannaday one of 
them was Cap Erlehighs ' our Agetents waiter Last 
year his name Is vain 

Day 25 th 2 men whipt one for Drowing Rum out 
of the ftores ye other: fleeping on gard 2 

Day 26 th 2 of Captain Putmans men Brought In 
a Regellar hwo had Dafarted from our Campe. 

Day 27 th 4 of Captain Putmans men Came In 2 
of them was fick they fet out y e 21 th Day of august 
they went with In 10 or 11 miles of Tyconderoga 
& fee no lines of [Indeans] frinch or Indeians : 4 
Yorke Defarters Brought from Albany 

Day 28 th one man Died one woolcut 3 of our 
Companey was taken with y e fmall pox 

Day 29 gennarl Limon with a partey of men 
went out & killed 7 or 8 Dear & one Bare Efarram 
flent Died 4 

Day 30 th one frinchman Came In : Captain put- 
man with his Scout Came In : not haveing feen any 
fyne of y e Enemy : one man whipt 



1 Timothy Hierlihy of Middletown ; entered as clerk to the 
adjutant in 1755, became captain and adjutant, and served through 
the war. 

2 These were Peter Davis and Robert Jaquish of Gallup's 
company. Samuel Chapman of Welles' was included. 

3 Alexander Wilcutt ; died Sept. 7. 

4 Or Aug. 3, as on the rolls. 



Day 31 th two Regellars was whipted 75 Lashes 
for whareing a Durty fhirt on gard 

September y e 1 th thursday Day 1 th Ad 1757 2 
presenars Came In from Cannady the Regelars ware 
whipt again J Dockter Lords goods came 

Day 2 th new Beden " Came from allbany and 
many pots & kitells 

Day 3 th our a Lewance half a gill Came again 

Day 4 th which was y e Sabath Came In 6 frinch 
Deserters one of them fursposed to Be a Jew one 
Bosston man 3 In a fit fell Down & Died iudenly. 

Day 5 th two Regelars 4 ware fhot to Death for 
deserting to the frinch one of Colonal Limons men 
was whipt 500 Lashes for Listing Into the york 
forses 5 

Day 6 th a Comemand of 200 men went Downe 
Surratoge to : toreleve those which ware thare : 

Day 7 th one of the yorkers was whipt 500 Lash 
& Drumed out of the Camp with a Rope : abute 
his neck : one Regelar 500 Lashes for muteny 

Day 8 th thursday twelve men 6 Came from num- 



1 Not explainable. * Bedding. 

3 Wicks. 

4 Corporal Dorman (Catholic) and Rice Llewellyn, of un- 
known localities. 

5 This was counted desertion. See Preface. 

6 Under Ensign Butler. 



[53] 

ber fore J and told us that Coronal whiten with his 
500 men 2 ware a Comeing to fort Edward allfo that 
they had not Lost one man with f ickness 3 had Been 
killed 

Day 9 th we had orders that [no] man went out 
of the Lines at Suratoge upon any a Conte what fo 
Ever with out Leave of the Comemanding offescer: 

Day 10 th two men whipt one 300 Lashes for 
Disarting: one 200 for going with out the Lins to 
fhiching. 

Day 1 1 th which was the fabath hear was many 
forts of gameing as well as cursing & Swareing. 

Day 12 th more of the Sick went Downe to All- 
ban ney 

Day 13 th one yorker whipt 300 Lashes for get- 
ing Drunke a Regelar for ye fame 100 

Day 14 th two men fhot to Death at fort Edward 

Day 15 th a party of men Came hear Bound for 
Still waters 25 of them went to Scaticook to make 
hay 

Day 16 th two thousand Regelars 3 Came hear for 
Fort Edward Bound. 



1 Fort No. 4, on the Connecticut, at Charlestown, N. H. 

2 Colonel Nathan Whiting, lieutenant-colonel of Lyman's regi- 
ment, had been ordered with 500 men to No. 4, to replace Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Goffe and his 200 previously mentioned, ordered by 
Loudon to Fort William Henry. 

3 Forbes' and Blakeney's regiments. 



[54] 

Day 17 th : 500 high Landers 1 was hear for our 
Releaf 

Day 18 th which was the fabath we marcht up to 
fort Edward : 

Day 19 th mr Pomerry went home 2 : fore men 
whipt Crueley one Drumed out of the Camps with a 
Rope aboute his neck 3 

Day 20 th one Bare & one Dear was killed By 
hunters 

Day 21 th Dockter Josepth Bouth 4 Died. Cap 
Rogers with his Rangers Came hear 

Day 22 th 7 Barlels of Rum was Brought for 
Connecttecut youse 

1 This was the famous 42c! Regiment or Black Watch, formerly 
employed in keeping the Scotch Highlands in order after 1745. 
Its major was Duncan Campbell of Inverawe, the hero of one of 
the most weird and romantic of second-sight legends, with " Ti- 
conderoga " for its basis: told by Parkman in "Montcalm and 
Wolfe," by Constance Gordon-Cumming in the Atlantic Monthly 
(September 1884), and elsewhere. He was killed in the attack on 
Ticonderoga in 1758. 

2 Rev. Benjamin Pomeroy of Hebron, chaplain from Aug. 8 
on ; but he evidently did not go far, as he preached a week later. 

3 Francis Fleming of Lyman's company. Lyman evidently 
had a general court-martial to clear his guard-house and settle 
up arrears. " Old Francis Fleming received the remainder [!] 
of his punishment 500 lashes; " John Shaw of Fitch's "was whipt 
300 lashes for his summer's work " ; Samuel Crandall of Gallup's 
got 250 ; and "one Wood" of Lyman's (not on the roll) 30. 

* Of Farmington ; a private, probably a local horse-doctor, etc. 



{.55 1 

Day 23 th 5 of the Roil americans was whipt 
Day 24 th three frinch men Came In hear 
Day 25 which was Sabath y e fabath teams Came 
from Surratoge mr pomerry Preched with us 

D 26 th a Duch wagenner haveing apels to fel fold 
them for a pany apeace But aboute a dussen of Cap 
putman's Rangers fpelt a bushel & a half and eate 
them up 

Day 27 th teams Came from Surratoge 
Day 28 th Came In two frinchmen from ticon- 
deroga which told us that thare was 1500 frinch- 
men at the Lake : Buts a Lie x 

Day 29 th we had two Ears of green Corn amongst 
fcaven men Each man a bet about as Long as my 
thum 

Day 30 th our post Came hear with few Leters 
October the fiirst day 

Day 1 th the Rangers killed 2 Dear & one Bare 

Day 2 th which was the fabath one man Died 

one taken with y e fmall pox the teams Came hear 

from Surratoge : one frinch man brough In hear from 

Crown Pint 

Day 3 th a bosfsten Leftannant 2 had his Sword 
Brok over his head for Disabligeing Langweg: a 
party of our men went up to y e Lake to fee what 

1 It was. 
3 Knowles. 



[ 5&] 

they could find : they took a frinch Defarter & 
a grate Deel of fase J 

Day 4 th 4 men whipt the Regellars Began to 
Clear up the hill the wast fide of the Eiland 

Day 5 th one man Died Ashbell moses went to 
the horspettall: two Bares killed 

Day 6 th teams Came from Suratoge one Regelar 
Cashed a rich that wayed 16 pounds & gennaral web 
gave him a Doller for it : 

Day 7 th three men Came from molbeary 3 to fell 
Chease 

Day 8 th one man Died 

Day 9 th which was y e fabath : those which had 
the Rumatis & the worst of the fick 3 ware Cayryed 
Down to Allbanny from hear thare by wather one 
man Died with fmall pox: & one with Camp Des- 
temper 4 

Day 1 o th one negro whipt s for f leeping on gard : 
a flag Truce Came Down from y e Lake 

Day 11 th a comemand of our men went up to the 



1 " Garden sass " : green vegetables. 

2 Marlborough. 

3 Five of them. 

■♦There was but one — Sergeant Ebenezer Jackson of Fitch's 
company ; he died of the " distemper " in the small-pox hospital, 
after recovering from the latter disease. 

5 Thomas Henry of Fitch's company, 50 lashes. 



[ 57] 

Lake and Brought Down from the Lake 40 priseners 
& one wo[man] we furspose they (toped thare to 
make f hure of a grate Quantety of face which they 
had not yet got the number of men which ware 
killed : Captivated and Died with Destempers out of 
Colonal Phennies Limons Rigement Is 51 : & 12 
Deserted: 10 men from num4' 

Day 12 th one Ashbel moses a Simsbery man 
Died with ye Long feaver Being Being the 10 th man 
has Died with Deftempers out of our Compenney 

Day 13 th the Companny of york Regelars gran- 
naders : marcht for home Capt putman & 5 oficfcers 
kild 9 Dear & one Bare 

Day 14 th the teams carted wood over the River: 

Day 1 5 th Comrs 2 went home 

Day 16 th which was the fabath we had a hard 
Storm of Rain: one Dear killed 

Day 17 th magors Rogers Sent out a fcouteing 
party with 7 of Capt putmans men for an eaght 
Days f cout 

1 Arrived, not deserted. It was another party under Butler. 

a In 1755, commissioners from the colonies which furnished 
troops to the war had met at Albany, to direct the movements, ap- 
point regimental officers, assign drafts, etc. As there is no record 
of their appointment by the Assembly (of Connecticut at least), 
they were probably appointed by the governor and council ; and 
we may presume from this entry that the same thing was done this 
year. No other published document speaks of them. 



[ 58] 

Day i8 th ,\John gafit 1 was whipt: 100 Lashes: for 
the Confeatatsy 2 of Stealing a gun 

Day 19 th a grate number of the lick Regelars 
with the teams we heard that we fhould march for 
home the 27 th Day of October Instant &ccc 

Day 20 th two Roil amearacans 3 was hanged fo[rj 
Desearshon : 4 3 more Reseved a tousand Lashes & 
Drumed out of the Camps Asel Andderis 5 taken to 
hospetill 

Day 21 th Conolan Liman with his fubottons 6 and 
aboute 500 men marcht up to Lake Scockerromah 7 
to take a vew of the Reue[n]gs of the fort 8 one man 
Died: 

Day 22 th Colonan Limon with his men Came 
home one man Died 

Day 23 th which was y e Sabath two yorkers Be- 
ing lent to Look up fbme fheep one of them was 

1 Japhet, of Lyman's company : Indian or negro. 

2 Qy. confederacy = collusion ? 

3 John Rhodes and Andrew Westerman. 
* Another account says for stealing. 

5 Asahel Andrews, of Payson's company. 

6 Subalterns. 

7 Lake George. Gridley's name is a creditable phonetic effort 
at spelling the French pronunciation of their term for it, Lac Saint- 
Sacrement : the last word would sound to him like " Sockr-romah," 
and his inserted extra " c " makes Scock'erromah. 

8 William Henry. 



[59] 

killed & fcalped Jest Below the Brick kills : the 
other furl posed to Be taken By fume (bulking In- 
deains two Dear was killed 

Day 24 th they found this other man Dead and 
fcalpt 

Day 25 th a considerable nomber which ware week 
and poor ware fent Down In Carts and wagons one 
man Died: 

Day 26 th our wood was Cleeand off from the 
Hand fo that we Began to peck upon the Stubs: 

Day 27 th the teams Came from Sirratoge: one 
Dear was killed : one man Died 

Day 28 th gennarl Limons horse had a ftable made 
for him : Eleven teams went Down to Scatecook for 
heay for him & nothing In it. our teams carted wood 
By the Brick kills: 

Day 29 th It Began to ihow at 9 oclock In the 
morning farjant abner meachum Died 

Day 30 th which was the fabath fifteen of our Rig- 
ment fet out for home & marcht furrotoge 

Day 31 th we fet fail 1 two oclock & went Cap 
Lam sons 

November Day 1 th from thence we marcht to y e 
half moon 



1 The rapids at Fort Miller prevented going by barge from 
Fort Edward. 



[6o] 

Day 2 th from thence we marcht & taryed 6 miles 
above allbany 

Day 3 th from thence we thraviled to Green Bouch : 
Colonal manrow 1 Died one man was fhot to Death 
three of our f ick 2 Died : 

Day 4 th from thence we marcht 12 miles & Lay 
at the half way house 

Day 5 th we marcht 18 miles and Came Into 
Canterhook & Lay 2 miles north of the ftone house 

Day 6 th which was the Sabath we marcht 12 
miles and Lay at nobles town 3 

Day 7 th from thence we marcht 25 miles & Lay 
at Captain Coles In Cannan 

Day 8 th from thence we marcht 12 miles & Lay 
at Landard Joashes In goshon 

Day 9 th from thence we marcht 15 miles & Lay 
at Landard wiyers 4 

Day 10 th I got home 2 oclock 

In the year 1758 August the 13 th I Layed at 
Landard Larraneces In canan 



1 Monro, ex-commander of Fort William Henry. He was 
stricken with apoplexy in the street. 

2 Stephen Deming of Lyman's company, Benjamin Hulbert of 
Payson's, and a third not identifiable. 

3 Northeast of Livingston's Manor. 
« Probably Wiard's in Harwinton. 



[6i ] 

The 14 th Day I passed to the new England ter- 
ven x Jeft above allbanny Citty 

the 15 th Day I pasd with Dilligente Inquierry to 
Surratoge & waited for a garde 

the 16 th Day I passed to fort Edward 

the 17 th Day I heard of the Lementable of the 
Death of Elisha gridly 

Day 19 th arived at fort miler 12 o Clock from 
thence to fcaratoga the news of Cabretones* being 
tak[en] a firing 

Day 20 which was the Sabath : I treveld to the 
next house above Coronal Scilars 6 miles above 
Albaney Cyty 

Day 21 th Came to Landard Saxstons met J Royce 
Below Love Joys 3 

Day 22 th throm thence I treavild to Mr newels 4 
In Goshon : 

Day 23 th I got home at night 5 

1 Tavern. This or a successor of the same name was existent 
nearly a century later. 

2 Cape Breton's ; /. e., Louisbourg. 

3 Lovejoy's Tavern, in Albany. 
* Rev. Abel Newell. 

s This was about 1 40 miles in three days, over bad roads, 
largely across mountainous country and through the woods ; a severe 
though not impossible journey. 



[62 ] 
An a Count of the men of each Government 



Bosstone 




8-0-0 


Connecticut 


O 


-9-0-0 


the Blews govt Jerszy 

hampfhir 

Rodlland 


1 ■ 

O- 
O- 


■5-0-0 

2-5-0 

■4-5-0 


Regelars 
Yorkers 


2 - 
O- 


■0-0-0 
2-0-0 


[Elafas 
Clarck Steal 


fma pox] 
1 


Johnnathan word 




2 


Elasesander wolcut 




3 


Small pox 






John Keperoge 
Levi Strong 
Nethannal Rogers 
Hezekiah Demman 




4 

5 
6 

7 


Efraam Hunt 




8 


Esara Rodden 




9 


Ashbel moses 




10 


John willson 


pox 


11 


Sarjant abner mecham 




12 


Harford: 1 April 23 th Ad 
Farmington : 


l 7S7 




1 Hartford. 





[63] 

Harrington : * 

Lichfeald : 

Gofhen : 

Comwill : 

Canan 

Solsbeary : 

oblongs : 2 

Ancrom : 

Clavrick : 29 of Aprill : 

Canterhook : 1 1 D of may wensday 

Greenbuch 22 

Scatacook we marcht from hear 

Still waiters 

Suratoke 

fort Edward 

Its 54 mils out of Connecticut from thare Its 32 
to Claverick tis 70 miles from thare to Scattecook 
& tis 37 miles from thare to fort Edward 

And tis : 193 miles from farmington to fort 
Edward: 193. 



* Harwinton. 

2 The Oblong or Equivalent Tract was the strip if miles 
and 20 rods wide, parallel to the Hudson along the entire western 
boundary of Connecticut, from Rye, N. Y., upward. It was ceded 
to New York by Connecticut in 1683, in return for the towns 
of Greenwich, Stamford, Darien, New Canaan, Norwalk, and part 
of Wilton. 



[6 4 ] 

Sarratoge September y e 13 th day A.D. 1757 I 
Receved one vommit and one pil to take at Bed 
time: 



OCT 21 ; 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



011 696 359 



